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I have an article out today at the Journal of Democracy examining Taiwan's ongoing political stalemate and what I think is best described as a slow-motion constitutional crisis. The key theme: I don't put the whole blame on either the DPP or the KMT-TPP opposition, but rather on the way Taiwan's constitutional framework is designed (or rather, isn't) to handle divided government. I was surprised at how quickly partisan tensions escalated into inter-branch warfare after the 2024 elections, and I have been dismayed at how willing both camps have been to violate norms and push the limits of their institutional prerogatives to gain an advantage. But in hindsight, I probably shouldn't have been.
The fundamental reason is Taiwan is suffering from the classic "dual mandate" problem that Juan Linz first popularized in 1990 in his famous "Perils of Presidentialism" piece for the Journal of Democracy. I don't buy much of Linz's argument -- presidentialism can still be preferable to parliamentarian in some circumstances (see, e.g, Indonesia), and the comparative literature on this question now points to bad design choices within presidential regimes, rather than the presidentialism itself, as creating especially challenging conditions for democratic politics. But I do accept Linz's core contention that presidential regimes create an inherent tension between the executive and legislative branches, and the default pattern of politics is for each branch to be engaged in interminable conflict with the other as long as they are controlled by different parties.
James Madison in Federalist No. 51 famously characterized this conflict as a strength of presidential regimes, or at least separation of powers ones: in his phrase, "ambition must be made to counteract ambition." But for that ambition not to escalate into political warfare that ultimately destroys democracy, there has to be another branch sufficiently strong and independent to play referee and regulate the conflict. Put differently, a key constitutional design principle is that in presidential regimes, you need well-protected neutral arbiters—the judiciary, prosecutors, ombudsmen, state regulators, and above all the constitutional court—who can limit partisan conflict and keep it from spinning out of control.
The fragility of these independent institutions is the greatest weakness of Taiwan’s democracy today. As I write in the conclusion to the piece:
After several rounds of constitutional reform, Taiwan is now a strong presidential regime with only two institutions that really matter: the presidency and the legislature. Both are directly elected, giving both valid claim to a democratic mandate. When the same party has controlled both branches, partisan incentives have softened the inherent tensions in this design, and Taiwan’s policymaking process has functioned reasonably well without the need for other institutions to intervene. But with control now divided, interbranch conflict has emerged with a vengeance. Many of Taiwan’s policymaking processes have ground to a halt, and in seeking to limit the fallout from this partisan conflict, its accountability institutions have themselves become prime targets.
This piece, by the way, is the more developed version of a talk I gave at an event hosted by the Shih Ming-te Foundation in Taipei on September 9, which got picked up by a few media outlets in Taiwan, and then twisted a bit for partisan ends for a couple news cycles. For those looking for the full context of my comments, which have plenty of criticism of both political camps (e.g. the TPP-KMT retaliation against the Constitutional Court is appalling, and the DPP premier's refusal to countersign legislation is almost certainly unconstitutional), check out the article at the link.
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The Hoover Institution Project on Taiwan in the Indo-Pacific Region is an academic and non-partisan endeavor to understand the challenges confronting democracy and security in Taiwan. Over the years, we have sought to maintain strict neutrality with regard to partisan politics in Taiwan. Toward that end, we have welcomed engagement with leaders and representatives of all major political parties in Taiwan, both at Hoover and in Taiwan. In the past months alone, we have met at Hoover with senior figures of both the KMT and the DPP. Typically, these visits involve off-the-record dialogues to ensure a free exchange of ideas.
On June 2, we hosted a closed-door roundtable with a KMT delegation led by the party chairwoman, Cheng Li-wun. Since the session was off-the-record, we do not think it appropriate to characterize her remarks. However, we find it necessary to indicate that reports suggesting that we endorsed her view of cross-strait relations are not accurate. The session elicited spirited discussion about China's intentions and the requirements for maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait.
Although we do not endorse or align with any political party or faction in Taiwan, we do have views about what needs to be done to deter a military conflict in the Taiwan Strait. We have articulated these views on multiple occasions in print and in speech. We remain concerned that China's intentions toward Taiwan are not benign, and that a process of political integration of Taiwan into the People's Republic of China would yield the same outcome that it has in Hong Kong—not "one country, two systems", but one country, one autocracy. Avoiding such a tragedy requires of Taiwan restraint, steadfastness, and bolstering of defensive military capabilities. It requires of the United States adherence to the key pillars of its longstanding policies, including a readiness to sell to Taiwan the defensive weaponry it needs to defend itself, and economic, political, and military articulations of resolve (by the United States and other democracies) to resist any attempt to use force to impose a solution to the Cross-Strait conflict.
We share the many concerns in Taiwan about the current state of Cross-Strait relations. But there is only one actor in this conflict that is using its military in a pattern of increasing intrusion and provocation against the other. That is not the Republic of China, Taiwan, but rather the People's Republic of China.
Larry Diamond and James O. Ellis, Jr., Co-chairs, Project on Taiwan in the Indo-Pacific Region, and
Kharis Templeman, Program Manager, Project on Taiwan in the Indo-Pacific Region, Hoover Institution
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Taiwan sits at the center of intensifying great-power competition, where questions of deterrence, reassurance, and self-defense are no longer abstract strategic concerns but matters of everyday public debate. How do Taiwanese citizens perceive the threat from China? How do they understand the U.S. role in cross-Strait conflicts? Do they support greater investment in national defense and U.S. arms sales to Taiwan? And how willing are they to fight if Taiwan is militarily attacked?
In this talk, Wen-Chin Wu draws on evidence from multiple surveys to examine the determinants of Taiwan’s public resolve. The talk highlights two related but analytically distinct dimensions: general support for national defense and personal willingness to fight. It shows how Taiwan’s security attitudes reflect external threat perceptions, expectations of U.S. involvement, and partisan divisions within Taiwan. By foregrounding Taiwanese public opinion in debates over national security, the talk offers a mass-public perspective on Taiwan’s resolve amid coercion, uncertainty, and intensified U.S.-China competition.
Wen-Chin Wu is a Research Fellow at the Institute of Political Science, Academia Sinica, Taiwan, and the 2025–26 Lenore Annenberg and Wallis Annenberg Fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences (CASBS) at Stanford University. He was a visiting scholar at the Harvard-Yenching Institute from 2019 to 2020.
Dr. Wu’s research focuses on political economy, Chinese politics, and Taiwanese public opinion on cross-Strait relations and national security. His work has appeared in The China Quarterly, International Studies Quarterly, and Political Communication, among others.
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Since 1979, the TRA has served as the bedrock of unofficial relations between the United States and Taiwan, ensuring regional peace and stability. However, as the complexity of the Taipei-Washington-Beijing triangle grows, Taiwan's strategic maneuvering has shifted from traditional diplomacy to a multifaceted hedging approach.
This discussion will explore the resilience of the TRA to assess how the legal framework of the Taiwan Relations Act adapts to modern security challenges 47 years later, and an analysis of Taiwan’s current policy of balancing economic integration, military deterrence, and international participation through the strategic hedging.
Dr. David Ta-wei Lee is a distinguished Taiwanese statesman and career diplomat whose service spans over four decades. He has held the highest echelons of power across Taiwan’s foreign policy, national security, and cross-strait sectors. He is the chairman of Straits Exchange Foundation in 2020 and from 2023 to 2024. He formerly served as the Minister of Foreign Affairs from 2016 to 2018, Secretary-General of the National Security Council of Taiwan from 2018 to 2020, and the Secretary-General to the President since 2020 to 2023. He was also the Representative to the United States (2004–2007), Canada (2007–2012), and the European Union/Belgium (2001–2004).
As a seasoned "veteran" of the diplomatic corps, Dr. Lee is highly respected for his professionalism and non-partisan approach. Moving from the Foreign Ministry to the National Security Council and the Presidential Office, Dr. Lee transformed traditional diplomacy into a broader national security strategy.
In 2019, while serving as Secretary-General of the NSC, Dr. Lee met with then-U.S. National Security Advisor John Bolton. This marked the first meeting between top national security officials of the two countries since 1979, representing a historic milestone in U.S.-Taiwan relations.
Dr. David Lee occupies a unique place in the history of the Taiwan Relations Act (1979), serving as both a witness to its creation and a guardian of its implementation. A leading scholar on the TRA, Dr. Lee authored The Making of the Taiwan Relations Act, published by Oxford University Press. Derived from his doctoral research at the University of Virginia, this work remains a definitive analysis of the 1979 legislative struggle between the U.S. Congress and the Executive Branch.
During the pivotal moment when the U.S. shifted recognition from Taiwan to China, Dr. Lee was a researcher at the time, and Dr. Frederick Chien was the Deputy Minister of Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He personally attended the Congressional hearings that shaped the TRA, gaining firsthand insight into the legal framework for unofficial relations.
Throughout his career, particularly as Representative to the U.S. (2004–2007) and Foreign Minister, Dr. Lee was the primary official responsible for ensuring the U.S. upheld its commitments under the TRA. He frequently advocated for the "Six Assurances" and worked to ensure that the TRA remained a living document capable of supporting Taiwan’s security and arms sales.
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Dr. Hung-mao Tien is the President and Chairman of the Institute for National Policy Research in Taipei, and board member of several foundations and business corporations in Taiwan. He also serves as a Senior Advisor to the President of the Republic of China (Taiwan). From 2000-2002, he was the Minister of Foreign Affairs. He also served as the chairman of the Straits Exchange Foundation, the semi-official body in Taiwan responsible for direct exchanges and dialogue with the People's Republic of China, Representative (ambassador) to the United Kingdom, and presidential advisor to former President Lee Teng-hui. He has also served in an advisory capacity to Harvard University’s Asia Center, The Asia Society in New York, and the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C.
Dr. Tien has taught in universities in both the US and Taiwan as professor of political science. His numerous publications in English (author, editor and co-editor) include: Government and Politics in Kuomintang China 1927-37 (Stanford University Press); The Great Transition: Social and Political Change in the Republic of China (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press); and Democratization in Taiwan, Implications for China (St. Anthony’s Series, Oxford University), Consolidating the Third Wave Democracies, Themes and Perspectives(Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press), China Under Jiang Zemin(Rienner), and The Security Environment in the Asia-Pacific (M.E. Sharpe). He received his Ph.D. in Political Science from the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
Since the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic, geopolitical competition between the United States and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has rapidly intensified, and the global order has faced growing strains. Through it all, Taiwan has remained remarkably resilient. In the face of relentless diplomatic, economic, and military pressure from Beijing, Taiwan’s leaders have leveraged the island’s critical role in global technology supply chains, its reputation as a robust liberal democracy, and its strategic position in the Indo-Pacific to deepen engagement with key world powers. As many Americans question core assumptions of the post-Cold War global order, the PRC’s military power continues to grow, and the world stands on the cusp of a technological revolution in artificial intelligence, can Taiwan continue to navigate so deftly through turbulent geopolitical waters?
To address these topics, the Project on Taiwan in the Indo-Pacific Region at the Hoover Institution held a fireside chat featuring Dr. Hung-mao Tien, President of the Institute for National Policy Research (INPR) in Taipei and a former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of China (Taiwan). Dr. Tien joined in conversation by Adm. (Ret.) James O. Ellis, the Annenberg Distinguished Visiting Fellow, and Dr. Larry Diamond, the William L. Clayton Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution.
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The talk will be held in Lathrop Library Room 224, 518 Memorial Way, Stanford, CA 94305.
This event is free and open to the public. Please RSVP here. Copies of the book will be available for sale at the Stanford Book Store on the day of the event. Grab a copy and bring it to the talk to get the book signed.
His story vividly reflects contemporary Taiwanese history, and illuminates experiences shared by countries everywhere: of colonization and its aftermath, and the ongoing struggle to be free.
Anna Beth Keim is a freelance writer and translator, who has been reporting on Taiwan since 2015. Her work has appeared in ChinaFile, Foreign Policy, YaleGlobal and The Foreign Service Journal.
Heaven Does Not Block All Roads, which has been called "a first-class introduction to Taiwan" (Professor O.A. Westad, Yale University), and "a riveting, well-paced story...cinematic" (Los Angeles Review of Books), is her first book.
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For several years, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has ramped up its pressure on international organizations and on third countries to endorse its preferred position on the legal status of Taiwan. This campaign has born fruit for Beijing: it has made significant gains in the number of countries now signing joint statements that accept the “one China principle” – that there is only one China, that Taiwan is part of China, and that the legal representative of China is the PRC with its capital in Beijing and led by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). These shifts in policy have been made possible in part by the PRC’s growing economic and diplomatic clout in the world, and by its increased willingness to make the one-China principle a precondition for bilateral cooperation on other issues.
To explore this issue further, this symposium brought together several experts on the topic of People’s Republic of China (PRC) coercion against Taiwan, including its efforts to deepen Taiwan’s international isolation, bolster the claim that cross-Strait relations are China’s “internal affairs,” and build international legal justifications to legitimate further coercion and potentially the use of military force against Taiwan.
Ja Ian Chong is an associate professor of political science at the National University of Singapore and a nonresident scholar at Carnegie China, Carnegie’s East Asia-based research center on contemporary China, where he examines U.S.-China dynamics in Southeast Asia and the broader Asia-Pacific. He received his PhD from Princeton University in 2008 and previously taught at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. His research covers the intersection of international and domestic politics, with a focus on the externalities of major power competition, nationalism, regional order, security, contentious politics, and state formation. He also works on U.S.-China relations, security and order in Northeast and Southeast Asia, cross-strait relations, and Taiwan’s politics.
Elisa Zhai Autry is a research fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution, where she contributes to the Human Security Project, advancing security, liberty, and prosperity in authoritarian countries. Previously, Dr. Autry served as principal policy advisor on Global China and East Asia and Pacific Affairs in the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs at the US Department of State. As the bureau’s China expert and chief liaison for diplomatic affairs involving China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, she played a key role in shaping public diplomacy strategies and advancing US foreign policy objectives worldwide.
Glenn Tiffert is a distinguished research fellow at the Hoover Institution and a historian of modern China. He co-chairs Hoover’s program on the US, China, and the World, and also leads Stanford’s participation in the National Science Foundation’s SECURE program, a $67 million effort authorized by the CHIPS and Science Act of 2022 to enhance the security and integrity of the US research enterprise.
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FILM SUMMARY
In 2019, director Hsiao Chu-Chen was deeply moved by stories shared at the memorial of semiconductor pioneer Hu Ding-Hwa—accounts of engineers who, driven by a sense of national mission, journeyed overseas to acquire the crucial knowledge that ignited Taiwan’s chip industry. Their spirit of sacrifice and collective resolve not only laid the foundation for Taiwan’s semiconductor revolution, but also marked a pivotal chapter in the island’s struggle for survival and global relevance.
Directed by award-winning Hsiao Chu-Chen and produced by semiconductor veteran Ben Chen and acclaimed Oscar member Ben Tsiang, this five-year project draws on insights from voices across generations—from early contributors to today’s professionals in the semiconductor industry. A Chip Odyssey traces Taiwan’s journey from humble beginnings to its emergence as a critical pillar of the digital world. Through the eyes of pioneering engineers, female line technicians, frontline policymakers, visionary scientists, and a new generation now facing critical choices, the film reveals how, half a century ago, an entire island came together in a high-stakes gamble to shape its own destiny—and the future of global technology.
Though Taiwan accounts for less than 0.02% of the world’s landmass, it has become an indispensable force in the era of AI and advanced chipmaking. As the invisible engines of modern life, chips produced in Taiwan now power everything from smart devices to strategic defense, placing the island at the center of the global technology race. A Chip Odyssey is not only a chronicle of technological ascent; it is a powerful testament to the spirit of a small island that poured its heart and soul into survival, innovation, and global relevance. As tensions rise and the semiconductor race intensifies, the film reminds us that behind every chip lies a human story—and behind every breakthrough, a cross-generational gamble.
Hsiao Chu-chen, Director
Hsiao Chu-Chen is a senior documentary filmmaker and drama producer, currently serving as a professor at National Tsing Hua University in Taiwan. She is a two-time winner of the Golden Horse Award for Best Documentary, with The Red Leaf Legend (1999) and Grandma’s Hairpin (2000), both of which were also selected by the International Documentary Film Festival Amsterdam (IDFA), the Busan International Film Festival, and the Yamagata International Documentary Film Festival.
Ben Chen, Producer
Ben Chen is a semiconductor veteran, prominent business leader, and active cultural executive. He serves as the Executive Director of MOXA Inc., Chairman of the Grand View Cultural and Art Foundation, and Founder and CEO of Grand Vision Co. Ltd.
Ben Tsiang, Producer
Ben Tsiang is a serial entrepreneur and acclaimed film producer. In 1996, he co-founded Sina.com, one of the largest Chinese internet media companies in the world. A decade later, he cofounded CNEX, a leading platform for Chinese documentary filmmaking, where he serves as chairman.
Karen Eggleston, Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies
Karen Eggleston is a Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI) at Stanford University and Director of the Stanford Asia Health Policy Program at the Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center at FSI. She is also a Fellow with the Center for Innovation in Global Health at Stanford University School of Medicine, and a Faculty Research Fellow of the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER). Her research focuses on government and market roles in the health sector and Asia health policy, especially in China, India, Japan, and Korea; healthcare productivity; and the economics of the demographic transition.
Larry Diamond, William L. Clayton Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution
Larry Diamond is the William L. Clayton Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, the Mosbacher Senior Fellow in Global Democracy at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI), and a Bass University Fellow in Undergraduate Education at Stanford University. He is the founding co-editor of the Journal of Democracy and has written extensively on democratic development worldwide. At Hoover, he co-leads the Project on Taiwan in the Indo-Pacific Region and participates in the Program on the US, China, and the World. At FSI, he is among the core faculty of the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law.
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ABSTRACT
Despite maintaining de facto sovereignty, states like Taiwan find themselves unrecognized in today’s international system because another power claims the state as part of its territory. This fraught status, in turn, significantly affects the domestic politics of these places.Contested Taiwan explores Taiwan’s political landscape after the 2014 Sunflower Movement and brings a fresh perspective to understanding social movement mobilization and political party formation in “contested states.” In these states, political cleavages are defined not by traditional left-right issues but by questions of identity, territory, and what to do about the country that claims them. Drawing from 150 interviews with Taiwanese activists and politicians, as well as a comparative analysis of Ukraine, Nachman reveals that traditional political science theories fall short when explaining the formation of movement parties in such contexts. Instead, he argues that looming existential threats and strained relationships between activists and established pro-independence parties drive social movements into formal political arenas.
Lev Nachman is an Assistant Professor in the Graduate Institute of National Development at National Taiwan University. He received his Ph.D. in political science from the University of California, Irvine in 2021, and was previously the Hou Family Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the Harvard Fairbank Center. His work focuses on political participation in Taiwan and Hong Kong and US-Taiwan relations. His publications span both disciplinary and regional academic journals, including Asian Survey and Political Research Quarterly. He is also a Non-Resident Fellow at the Atlantic Council Global China Hub and the National Bureau of Asian Research, and regularly comments on contemporary Taiwanese politics. His work has been featured in various media outlets including the New York Times, CNN, and Foreign Affairs.
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Another additional sign of growth is in the number of young people with policy interests now developing expertise in Taiwan issues. About six years ago, the Taipei Economic and Cultural Office in San Francisco proposed a program to fill a gap in the talent pipeline on Taiwan. That program, the U.S.-Taiwan Next Generation Working Group, provides some training for young to mid-career scholars in the United States with Taiwan expertise. I was fortunate to be part of the first cohort (right before and during COVID, which presented its own unique challenges), and I benefited greatly from the trips to DC and to Taiwan, and the training for media exposure and public-facing writing that the program organizes. The program is now on its third iteration and is expanding to include Europeans as well.
Applications are now open at the program's website at IEAS at Berkeley. Requirements to apply are:
- Be either (1), an American citizen or U.S. permanent resident; or (2), a citizen or permanent resident from a European country, including the United Kingdom.
- Hold a faculty, research, or administrative position at a U.S. or Europe based institution of higher education OR have equivalent experience as a mid-career specialist in the private or public sector.
Full details on the program and how to apply can be found here. The deadline to apply is November 1, 2025. I have reposted the formal call for applications below.
The Working Group is a three-year program, through which a cohort of ten specialists will be selected to participate in a series of meetings in Taipei, Europe, and Washington, D.C. The program aims to identify, nurture, and build a community of American and European public policy professionals across a wide range of sectors and facilitate spin-offs of policy-oriented research teams and projects. It is designed to facilitate deeper and more vigorous dialogue and research on topics of immediate concern for bilateral and trilateral relationships and on actions to strengthen U.S.-Taiwan-European coordination in global affairs. In doing so, it aims to contribute to the understanding of Taiwanese points of view in international venues and to support Taiwan, the United States, and Europe in promoting their key mutual ideas and values as leaders in the international community.
The Working Group is not affiliated with any political party or organization in any country. The program does not take political stances or promote policy positions. One goal of the Working Group is to develop participants’ capacity for productive discussion across different perspectives, sectors, and points of views. Individual participants are encouraged to develop, share, and debate their ideas and policy recommendations, for which they alone are responsible.